【世界决定视界】【视界决定世界】
what you see forms what you"ll be
欢迎打开“我与我们的世界”，从此，让我们一起纵览世界之风云变幻、洞察社会之脉搏律动、感受个体之生活命运、挖掘自然之点滴奥妙。
我与我们的世界，既是一个奋斗的世界，也是一个思考的世界。奋而不思则罔，思而不奋则殆。这个世界，你大，它就大；你小，它就小。
欢迎通过上方公众号名称，来挖掘本公众号与大家共享的往期文章，因为，每期都能让你“走近”不一样的世界、带给你不一样的精彩。
本期导读：极端主义，一般用来形容某件事情到达极限、到达极致，或者用来描述极端化的性质或状态，抑或用于形容极端的措施或主见。极端主义这个用法，一般是指远远超出主流观念社会的思想体系。
与该词相关的极端分子，通常用来与中间派或温和派做对比。特别是在政治领域或系列政治议题中，尤为常见。不过，对于“极端主义”的具体定义，不同人士有着很多不同见解。“极左”和“极右”的名称一直存在争议，因为这些称呼主要是依据说话者的政治立场，来界定政治光谱上所在的位置。
极左派，又称极左翼，是描述团体或个人政治立场在政治光谱中的位置极左。在某些国家，极左派是指共产主义、社会无政府主义、无政府共产主义、左翼共产主义、无政府工团主义等，而女权主义和环境保护主义的一些分支也包含于极左派中。
“左派”起源于法国大革命时期，当时左派人士都坐在议会左边。而最为激进的雅各宾党人则坐在议会的最左侧。在19世纪，“雅各宾”有很长的一段时间被用来称呼极左派人士。从那时开始，“极左派”用来形容抱持极端平等原则观点，且支持激进的社会和政治变革的人。
2000年代，在一些共产主义或社会主义不在政治主流的国家中，“极左派”指在立法部门中最左翼的人士。在许多英语系国家——特别是澳大利亚和美国——“极左派”有时带有轻蔑意味，暗指极端主义或位于左派边缘的人。
在法国，“极左派”是指托洛茨基主义、社会无政府主义、毛主义、霍查主义和新左派人士。法国共产党近年也不被归类为极左派。Serge Cosseron在《极左派词典》一书中，将“极左派”定义为“共产党左派的各种运动”。在意大利，“左翼－彩虹”联盟形容自己为“激进左翼”。
德国政治科学家埃克哈德·杰西将一部分社会无政府主义者、各类共产主义者和自治主义者视为极左派。
爱丁堡大学社会与政治科学院的路克·马奇博士，将欧洲的“极左派”定义为比社会民主主义更为左倾的人士，并可分为两个次类型：“激进左派”希望对资本主义进行彻地的改革，但接受民主制度；“极端左派”对自由民主更具有敌意且抨击所有与资本主义的妥协。
马奇认为当代欧洲极左派可分为四类：共产主义、民主社会主义、民粹社会主义与左翼民粹主义。有些人认为，路克·马奇博士的这种分法是有较大争议的，他所列举的政党中，有一部分通常只被算为左翼而并非极左，而且有一些民主社会主义政党又被误算成了民粹社会主义。Hloušek与Kopeček将极左派加入第二特性，如反美、反全球化、反北约和拒绝欧洲整合等。
极右派，又称极右翼，是指其政治立场位于政治光谱最右端的人士或组织。“极右”也常被许多政治评论家用来描述一些难以归入传统右派的政治团体、运动和政党。
一些学者使用“极端右派”或“偏激右派”来讨论位于传统选举政治范围以外的右派政治团体，通常有革命右派份子、好战的种族至上主义者和宗教极端主义者、新法西斯主义者、新纳粹主义者和三K党员等。在这种用法中，该名词与不好战的极右派或右派民粹主义者等其他形式的极右派有所区别。
学者在使用“极右派”时有着至少两种冲突的用法：倾向改革的右派运动或保守派政党中的右派派系。他们常被称为“不同政见的右派”、“行动主义右派”或“右翼民粹主义”。他们的立场介于传统保守派和极端右派之间。这些人士位于主流选举政治之外，但他们一般是发起改革运动，而非革命。一些被认为的“极右派”的政党则是因为与原主流中间偏右保守主义政党意见不合，认为他们的政策和理念已偏离原来的右派路线，如英国独立党。
新法西斯主义者与新纳粹主义者时常被视为“极右派”或“偏激右派”。这些团体通常具有革命性质，而非改革。由于这些分类尚未普遍被接受，以及还有其他的用法存在，因此让“极右派”的用法较为复杂。
19世纪末期，法国政治光谱可分为极左派、左派、中间偏左、中间派 、中间偏右、右派和极右派。
不同学者在“极右派”的使用上有着冲突的用法。“极右派”最常用来描述法西斯主义、纳粹主义和其他偏激民族主义者，以及其他的反动意识形态与运动。
但极右派这个说法常会使人误解，一些左翼人士及政治人物会以极右派来称呼一些强硬和保守的右翼政治人物，这些政治人物大多并非极右派，即使这些政治人物或会涉及种族歧视、性别歧视及恐同的言论，但不能归纳为极右派。
现时许多人所认为的“极右派”政党实际上是右派民粹主义政党，虽然这些右翼政党抱持着民族主义，加上在社会政策上属于右翼保守派如反对堕胎，但亦支持保障社会福利及政府干预市场经济、集体主义或民族社会主义的经济政策，欧洲的右派民粹政党便一直主张强调保护本国工人权益，反对引入外国移民进入劳动市场，近年欧洲移民危机，欧洲的右派民粹政党便主张反对来自伊斯兰教国家为主的移民及难民进入欧洲，作为主要政纲。
ExtremisminGermany 来自我与我们的世界 00:00 08:00The threat within
德国的内生性威胁
Germany is belatedly waking up to the threat of far-right terrorism. It has surged far more than elsewhere in Europe
德国对自己内部极右翼恐怖主义所带来的威胁，认识很是迟钝。德国的极右翼恐怖主义，比欧洲其他国家，要严重得多。
小编注：译文部分仅供参考；下面共享的信息，摘自最新一期经济学人；本公众号更多“经济学人”、“国际政治”、“国际时事”等相关优质文章，见文末往期精彩；本期共享资料下载方式，见文末注释部分。
本期共享资料封面
Five bullet-holes still scar the window of Karamba Diaby’s office in Halle, a city in eastern Germany. No one knows who fired at the empty building, where Germany’s only black MP meets constituents and does routine political work.
But Mr Diaby’s staff do not doubt that the attack, in mid-January, was racially motivated. A week after the incident Mr Diaby got an email warning him to expect the fate of Walter Lübcke, a pro-refugee politician murdered last June. The anonymous threat was signed off with a “Sieg Heil”.
小编注：
Sieg Heil：纳粹礼的一种。纳粹礼，亦称“德国式问候”，是纳粹德国的一种敬礼，动作为右臂和右手伸直并垂直于胸口或稍微举起，手心向下。其形式起源于意大利法西斯支持者的敬礼方法，由罗马式敬礼改造而来。通常敬礼时亦会说“希特勒万岁！”、“我的元首万岁！”或“胜利万岁！”。纳粹党于1930年代开始使用纳粹礼，作为表达对希特勒忠诚和对德意志民族的荣耀。纳粹党上台之后，纳粹礼成为平民唯一的行礼方式。目前在德国、捷克、斯洛伐克和奥地利，使用纳粹礼均会触犯刑法。
Right-wing extremism in various guises has troubled parts of Germany for decades. The Amadeu Antonio Foundation, an outfit that monitors such activity, says it is responsible for 208 deaths since 1990.
But a recent string of incidents has left nerves especially jangled. On Yom Kippur, three months before the attack on Mr Diaby’s office, Stephan Balliet, a young man armed with home-made 3D-printed weapons, tried to break into a synagogue in Halle to massacre worshippers; when that failed he killed two people at random instead.
On February 19th in Hanau, near Frankfurt, 43-year-old Tobias Rathjen killed nine immigrants and ethnic-minority Germans during a shooting rampage, before killing himself and his mother.
A few days earlier 12 men were arrested for planning attacks on mosques in the hope of igniting “civil war”. Local officials across Germany are physically and verbally intimidated. Many have quit.
Ministers have belatedly acknowledged that far-right terrorism is Germany’s gravest security threat. Officials count over 32,000 right-wing extremists in the country; over 1,000 are considered to be primed for violence.
The Centre for Research on Extremism at the University of Oslo calculates that between 2016 and 2018 the number of severely violent far-right incidents in Germany, most of them targeting immigrants or non-whites, far outstripped those elsewhere in Europe . And that was before the recent surge.
Police and security officials have become much better at tackling organised right-wing threats since botching their response to the National Socialist Underground, a murderous neo-Nazi terrorist cell active in the early 2000s, says Daniel Koehler of the German Institute on Radicalisation and De-radicalisation Studies.
Yet as the response evolves, so does the danger. Underground far-right networks remain a serious threat; the suspect in the Lübcke killing had a decades-long history in them. But the attackers in Halle and Hanau were both loners who were radicalised online, had no known connection to established far-right groups and were unknown to the German authorities.
Online groups can, to an extent, offer a sense of community that other extremists find in marches, concerts or martial-arts clubs. They can also nurture “communal delusions” says Miro Dittrich at Amadeu Antonio. These often straddle national boundaries.
That helps explain why Mr Balliet, marinated in a toxic brew of online chatrooms, racist memes and the misogynistic subculture of “incel” , broadcast his attack live on Twitch, an American video-streaming gaming website, and chose to deliver his anti-Semitic diatribes and obscure online references in English.
He sought to inspire others abroad, just as he had been motivated by comparable attacks in El Paso and Christchurch. At a candlelit vigil after the Hanau attacks, protesters chanted Nazis raus! , a common response to far-right atrocities in Germany.
Yet the recent attacks look less like a specific national concern than local instances of an overlapping set of transnational phenomena.
That creates problems for the domestic intelligence services. Having long relied on American and British spooks to alert them to online transgressions, Germany’s underresourced security apparatus remains woefully ill-equipped to manage internet-based radicalisation, says Mr Koehler.
There are plans to expand the powers of agencies, and to set up an early-warning system for right-wing radicals. A bill agreed by the cabinet shortly before the Hanau attack would oblige platforms like Facebook to report illegal content. But it is not clear that any of this would have pulled the Halle or Hanau perpetrators from their shadowy, global online underworld.
Protesters have found a more visible target in the Alternative for Germany , a far-right party that one Green has called “the political arm of hate”. The AfD vigorously rebuts any claim that it bears part of the blame for right-wing terror.
Yet some of its officials, especially in eastern Germany, routinely deploy the sort of racist, quasi-apocalyptic imagery found in the darker reaches of the internet. Björn Höcke, leader of the AfD’s extremist Flügel grouping and head of the party’s branch in Thuringia, uses language so incendiary that a court has ruled he may be described as “fascist” without fear of legal consequence.
Right-wing terrorists “want to be the hero of a movement,” says Mr Dittrich, “and the AfD plays a role in normalising their ideas”. A poll found that 60% of Germans held it partly responsible for Hanau.
The AfD has also, says Mr Koehler, “dissolved social boundaries between extremist societies and the conservative right.” On one hand it pals around with radical groups like the Identitarian Movement and Pegida, an Islamophobic outfit whose bi-weekly event Mr Höcke recently addressed in Dresden.
On the other, says Valentin Hacken, from Halle Gegen Rechts, a campaigning group, it drags mainstream conservatism in its direction. The Thuringian branch of the centre-right Christian Democrats recently voted with Mr Höcke to eject the state’s left-wing government, triggering a scandal that has upended German politics. All this, as Mr Diaby’s staff testify, opens the door to ideas and language that were once considered taboo.
For all that, the AfD is a legal party that holds seats in all 16 of Germany’s state parliaments, plus the Bundestag. Its ideas will have to be tackled in democratic debate rather than through policing and suppression.
Extremists in countries like New Zealand have proved perfectly capable of finding motivation for killing sprees without the spur of far-right parties in parliament.
Germany’s history gives the country a special responsibility to tackle right-wing extremism in all its forms. But that does not isolate it from threats that look increasingly international in character.
